EN - Travel
Domestic Flights Within Canada To Become Significantly Cheaper This Summer
Perhaps it's time to consider a staycation.
Don't have an account?
By continuing, you agree to our Terms & Conditions
Please check your e-mail to reset your password.


We use cookies to personalize content and ads, to provide social media features and to analyze our traffic. We also share information about your use of our site with our social media, advertising and analytics partners who may combine it with other information that you’ve provided to them or that they’ve collected from your use of their services. Learn More
The provincial government doesn’t intend to stop Ithaca Energy’s entry into Newfoundland and Labrador’s oil sector despite the company’s ties to Israel’s illegal occupation of Palestinian territory.
Ithaca is majority-owned by Israeli energy conglomerate Delek Group, which is blacklisted by the United Nations for its alleged role in “activities that raised particular human rights concerns.”
On Wednesday Wakeham said he won’t comment on Ithaca’s “political things,” and that the company’s involvement in the province’s oil and gas sector “bodes well for our industry.”
His comments come nearly a week after provincial Energy Minister Lloyd Parrot did not answer questions from The Independent about what the PC government will do, if anything, in response to Ithaca’s takeover of Canadian oil company Suncor’s stakes in the Terra Nova, White Rose and West White Rose offshore oil projects.
Human rights advocates say the impending acquisition should be stopped, while a legal expert says the federal and provincial governments – as well as Suncor and provincial crown corporation OilCo – face legal risks if they fail to intervene.
“Gaza has been razed. Families have been erased, children have been starved and buried under rubble, and the West Bank is being cleared village by village,” local Palestinian solidarity group Palestine Action YYT told The Independent in a statement. “Newfoundlanders and Labradorians did not build an offshore industry to underwrite that. Not one barrel of our oil should pad the profits of anyone tied to apartheid and ethnic cleansing.”
Michael Bueckert, vice president of Canadians for Justice and Peace in the Middle East (CJPME) – one of the country’s leading voices speaking out against Israel’s war and occupation in the occupied Palestinian territories – calls Ithaca’s acquisition “unacceptable” and wants political leaders to step in.
“As the International Court of Justice has determined, our political leaders are obliged to avoid economic dealings with companies involved in Israel’s illegal occupation of Palestine,” he said in a statement to The Independent.
“This underscores the urgent need for Canada to intervene and impose comprehensive sanctions to stop all economic trade with those who profit from and facilitate Israel’s illegal settlements.”
According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Delek Group is providing “services and utilities supporting the maintenance and existence of settlements, including transport,” and of using “natural resources, in particular water and land, for business purposes.”
The Independent sent questions to Delek Group but did not hear back.
In September, Prime Minister Mark Carney committed to banning trade in goods with Israel’s settlements in the occupied Palestinian territories. “Settlements are illegal under international law,” he said at the time.
But details of Canada’s new sanctions have not yet been announced.
CJPME and others, including federal MP Heather McPherson – an outspoken critic of Canada’s relations with Israel amid what many argue amounts to Israel’s genocide against Palestinians – are calling on the Liberals to expand Canada’s sanctions against Israel and prohibit trade in services, too.
Heidi Matthews, an assistant professor of law at Osgoode Hall Law School in Toronto and an expert in international criminal law, says the Carney government needs to ensure its new policy is “comprehensive enough to capture things like federal and provincial procurement, and involvement in economic deals with corporations that in one way or another are engaged in illegal activity in occupied Palestine.”
The Independent reached out to Global Affairs Canada for comment but did not receive a response by the time of publication.
Matthews says Wakeham’s characterisation of Ithaca and Delek’s ties to Israel’s occupation of Palestine as ‘political things’ is “inattentive to the realities of their commercial dealings,” which, she says, “cannot – according to the evidence that’s been documented by the UN database – be disassociated from violations of international law.
“It is well established that the occupation of the Palestinian territory, including the West Bank, is unlawful because it violates the Palestinian right to self-determination, and also because it amounts to the acquisition of territory by the use of force, as well as systemic racial discrimination and apartheid. All of this was found by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in its 2024 advisory opinion on the question.”
In December 2023, South Africa instituted proceedings at the ICJ, accusing Israel of committing genocide against Palestinians and violating the 1948 Genocide Convention. The court isn’t expected to render a decision until 2029 or 2030. In 2024, however, the court issued an advisory opinion on the “legal consequences arising from the policies and practices of Israel in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem.”
The ICJ said Israel “has an obligation to bring an end to its presence in the Occupied Palestinian Territory as rapidly as possible,” and “must immediately cease all new settlement activity.”
The court also said states dealing with Israel have a legal obligation to “take steps to prevent trade or investment relations that assist in the maintenance of the illegal situation created by Israel in the Occupied Palestinian Territory.”
In August, the federal government warned Canadian businesses that, “Engagement in, or connection to, settlement-related activities presents significant legal, financial and reputational risks [which] arise in part because, under international law, settlements in the West Bank and East Jerusalem are not recognized as part of Israel’s territory.
“Activities may involve assets or resources subject to dispute and may expose businesses to increased scrutiny from investors, partners and civil society,” the advisory reads. “Businesses may also face disputes related to land, water, minerals or other natural resources associated with investments or transactions.”
Matthews points to the Supreme Court of Canada’s 2020 decision in Nevsun Resources Ltd. v Aray, which she says, “very clearly established that Canadian corporations can be held directly liable for violating these peremptory norms of international law, and that would include the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination.”
This means Suncor and Newfoundland and Labrador crown energy corporation OilCo could arguably face litigation, Matthews says. “But I do think the key question would be about whether or not the relationship between Suncor or OilCo. and Delek is too attenuated, by virtue of Ithaca in the middle. So whether doing business essentially with a company whose parent company is engaged in human rights violations – whether or not that’s a close enough link.”
Though states are legally bound to international law, including human rights law, states’ subnational jurisdictions could face legal consequences, too.
Matthews says Ithaca’s entry into the province’s oil sector raises “serious liability questions” for the Government of Newfoundland and Labrador, “in the sense that under international law […] the actions of [provinces or territories] are still attributable to the central government itself.
“Canada has several obligations under international law, including to prevent trade or investment relations that assist in the maintenance of the occupation, which would include but not be limited to the settlement economy,” she continues. “So the provincial government also shares in that obligation.”
When asked Wednesday if he had the power to stop Ithaca’s acquisition of Suncor’s stakes in the oil projects, Wakeham said it’s “not something that I’m looking at.”
The premier said he is “focused on making sure that we have what the world needs, and we wanna make sure that if, as long as the world has a demand for oil, that Newfoundland and Labrador is part of that solution.”
“For Wakeham to say that somehow the province is not bound by international law with respect to its connection to, or involvement in, these violations shows a basic misunderstanding of provincial obligations under international law.”
Palestine Action YYT, which has held rallies, marches and other protest actions since 2023, says the federal government’s actions so far are inadequate, but pale in comparison to the provincial government’s. “Ottawa talks about banning settlement trade. Premier Wakeham and Minister Parrott won’t even say the word. Silence is complicity, and we won’t be silent,” the group says in its statement.
“We will resist this deal, and we expect oil and gas workers and their neighbours will stand with us.” The group says it is planning a public meeting in the near future, details of which will be announced this coming week. “Everyone who refuses to bankroll genocide is invited.”
With files from Kenny Sharpe.
Copyright 2026, The Independent. All rights reserved.
Justin Brake, Local Journalism Initiative Reporter, The Independent.
It's all over but the rallies in the final weekend before Albertans vote on their place in Confederation.
On Monday, voters go to the polls to decide if Alberta should stay in Canada or if it's time for a second, binding referendum on leaving.
Supporters for and against the topic have events planned, including in Edmonton at the legislature.
It's been a week of last-ditch pleas.
Prime Minister Mark Carney wrapped up a two-day barnstorming tour of the province to rally the pro-Canada vote.
Alberta Premier Danielle Smith is also voting to stay in Canada, and says recent joint deals with Ottawa -- such as fast-tracking a new oil pipeline --show that a united country can get things done.
This report by The Canadian Press was first published Oct. 17, 2026.
Copyright 2026, The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.
On Monday, Albertans vote on whether to stay in Canada or hold another binding referendum on quitting Canada.
If the vote goes as polls suggest, a majority of Albertans will mark an X to stay in Confederation, and Premier Danielle Smith has said if that’s so, she expects everyone to accept it and move on. Leaders of the independence movement contest that.
And political watchers are divided about whether separation — previously a fringe sentiment — will now be a prominent, permanent feature of Alberta’s political landscape, as in Quebec.
Julian Castro-Rea, a political-science professor at the University of Alberta who studies the separation debates in Quebec and Alberta, believes as long as Alberta feels alienated from the Canadian capital — feeling that Ottawa benefits from Alberta's resource economy without giving back — the movement will have fuel.
"Even if the referendum is lost, the westernization will still be around, because it's kind of a way which, traditionally, Albertans have related to the rest of Canada," says Castro-Rea, who believes western alienation may remain indefinitely.
Alberta's independence movement has been compared to Brexit and separation in Scotland, but the most obvious comparator is Quebec.
Earlier this month, Quebec elected a minority government led by the Parti Québécois, which has promised to call a third independence referendum to leave Canada, following votes in 1980 and 1995.
Experts say the two provinces differ in their catalysts for secession. Quebec and its francophone culture have developed over centuries. Alberta, by comparison, was created alongside Saskatchewan out of the division of the Northwest Territories in 1905.
Alberta's separatists are driven by western alienation rather than a deep-seated nationalist sentiment, like Quebec, experts say. That means it's difficult to see how the long-term future of the movement could pan out.
"They have different identity, different history, different language, as you know, and therefore they can claim, kind of, this historical legitimacy as the basis for their attempts for separation," Castro-Rea says.
Separatist sentiment has been sprinkled into Alberta's saucepan for the past half-century before coming to a boil in recent years. Premier Smith, who has voted to stay in Canada, has repeatedly criticized former prime minister Justin Trudeau's policies as oppressive to Western Canada's sovereignty and its energy-driven economy.
That criticism has softened against current Prime Minister Mark Carney, who referred to Alberta's bid for secession as a "dangerous bluff" on Thursday night. He also said a decisive result would "settle this question."
Andrew McDougall, an associate political science professor at the University of Toronto, says he sees Alberta's referendum as a way to garner political leverage with Ottawa, as Quebec has.
"This has sometimes been referred to in Quebec as the 'knife at the throat strategy,' where Quebec could sort of push its agenda because we've had that incredible threat of a referendum," he says.
But former UCP premier Jason Kenney, speaking in Edmonton earlier this week, said the knife analogy cuts both ways.
"The idea of making the threat by holding a knife to the throat of the federation is how you end up as a have-not province, like Quebec, instead of the ultimate have province like Alberta," he said.
"You want to talk about a lack of investor confidence? The next year, moving towards an actual vote on separation when the first one is won — the economic consequences would be catastrophic."
Political science professor Graeme Young says to understand Alberta’s future, one could look at Scotland.
Young, at the University of Glasgow in Scotland, grew up in Ontario and kept interest in Alberta's prospective separation from afar as Scotland bolsters another push to leave the United Kingdom.
He says he doesn't expect Alberta's separatist campaign will last. He believes the movement could deflate with a different federal political party in power. And he says it can’t draw from the same wellspring of national identity as exists in Scotland.
Young says Scotland's 2014 campaign was, in large part, defeated by uncertainty about the economics of independence, including pensions, currency, finances and its role in the European Union.
And while Scotland has been preparing for more than a decade for another run at independence, Alberta's movement is underprepared, Young says.
"(Alberta's case) has been put together quite hastily," he says. "It does not seem that they have invested as much time and energy into that case as one would expect for setting up a new country."
This report by The Canadian Press was first published Oct. 17, 2026.
— With files from Lisa Johnson in Edmonton and The Associated Press
By Dayne Patterson | Copyright 2026, The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.